Let me put it out there: I agree with the assertion that the “historical development of [what some call] Lebanon’s ‘Shia ideology’ and power is understandable.” I also agree that “Iran was the [Shi'a community's] natural choice” when it came to accepting a foreign patron that would help them face the challenges they had to deal with as a community. Moreover, like all people raised never to bite the hand that feeds them, the Shi'a community refuses to turn their backs (or, at least, hesitate to turn their backs) on their patron.
Being a Lebanese who exists outside of Hizballah's yoke, I usually find myself saying, “as long as they remain in their quarters, let them do and believe as they wish.” However, if they seek to impose their ideas or realities (such as war) on me, then I will exercise my own right as a Lebanese to do whatever it is that I can to block and thwart them.
Come to think of it, the blessing inherent in the Syrian occupation after Israel’s withdrawal was that all Lebanese who were not Hizballah followers, somewhat naively believed that the party remained actively engaged in the South because Syria – a foreign, occupying power – wanted to use the party to secure its own goals, ostensibly, liberating the Golan Heights. Today though, the Syrian buffer between Hizballah and the rest of the Lebanese population no longer exists, and all of us are looking right at a local party and its base - both of which apparently seek nothing but to impose what they perceive as their own ideal realities on the rest of us (realities that even supporters of Aoun would fight vehemently against had they not been so blinded by their selective hatred of the political establishment and their desire for power).
In conclusion, I will say that the supporters of Hizballah are definitely not blind, uncritical followers. Hizballah has done for Lebanon’s Shi’a community what no other political entity could. And, indeed, if for nothing but a sense of gratitude, the beneficiaries of Hizballah and Iranian generosity should stand by their party. However, at this point in history, I see no reason why the Hizb does not decommission and commit more of an effort into integrating into the Lebanese political system. The time for war is over; Lebanese are tired. Now that the Syrians have left the country, Lebanese should be given a chance to prosper – as opposed to being suffocated by a local entity that is fearful of change.
9 comments:
3li-,
I don't disagree with a lot of what you say. But it does not follow that Hezbo, under current leadership, is a benign force.
-The diversity of HA supporters is indeed there but is no guarantee of future diversity.
-When Khomeini overthrew the Shah, the opposition was very diverse. Today all these people have no voice and the regime went in directions loathesome to many Iranians (look up Ghotbzadeh, Bani-Sadr etc..).
OK, Leb is not Iran but let's not get complacent. Leb can become a large prison and was under Syria's boot.
-I think March 14 is worthless, but I am unable to cross to the other side because the other side's logic and rethoric are totalitarian if you care to pay attention.
-There were many ways HA and allies could have asked for change and gotten 90%+ of the Lebanese on their side.
They did not and could not, in part because their position on pre-July resistance/Shebaa is a sham and not credible.
As is their position on the tribunal, as is their alliance with killer Assad, as was their position on illegal Palestinian arms at the round table, as was their position on border demarcation....
3li,
First let me say: yes. The topics we are all dealing with here require multiple dissertations. in fact, i know of at least one person who is writing a dissertation on what I somewhat fleetingly called the "Lebanese ideology."
I also don't disagree with your characterization of shii ideology - as a religious and cultural umbrella of sorts. I see the protesters on my television screen, and as you point out, not all of them wear burqas and beards.
With regards to why the protesters are down on the streets, I notice that you've signaled agreement with my own previous position - i.e. people are down there for a myriad of reasons; however, they see Hizballah's success as a precursor to their own.
As for the non-shi'i presence, the only one I would consider as having any consequence would be the FPM's - an organization that testified in the US Congress that Hizballah was a terrorist organization under the direct command of the Iranian and Syrian regimes merely two or three years ago. Who provided that testimony? I'll stop here.
As for the other "attendees," well... maybe Wiam Wahhab and his extended family showed up. Patriarch Franjieh and his flock also attended with their shish taouk. But otherwise, I would say that the FPM was the only other major presence.
But let's go back to HA. You keep on pushing aside the militaristic agenda of the organization. But ask yourself: today, what is the fundamental disagreement between Hizballah and the ruling camp? Is it not weapons? Wouldn't you agree that the gridlock that currently strangles the country is a consequence of the drive to disarm Hizballah and convert it into an exclusively political party? Finally, you keep on saying that the most ardent Hizballah supporter does not want war today because of the damage suffered during the last Israeli onslaught.
However, if you don't want war, why are you insisting that you keep your weapons? Is it because of your weapons' deterrence capabilities? If anything, the last war proved that any notion of deterrence was an illusion! Lastly, although Hizballah may not seek to provoke conflict today or tomorrow, what about next month? or next year?
3li, that point is one that you refuse to acknowledge. It is always worthy to look at the broader picture; to take a deeper look at matters. However, sometimes, it pays to look at the more immediate causes that lay behind certain realities.
Let me conclude by reverting to your broader, deeper, portrayal of the situation, and again concur with your assertion that the root of the problems we face today lie in Lebanon's sectarian character and the dismal performance of the Lebanese state. Yet, if any of these problems are to be resolved, the Lebanese will need a long period of peace and stability. And I will reiterate that if the country is to experience that prolonged stretch of peace and stability, Hizballah will need to accept new realities, and disarm.
http://www.defenddemocracy.org/usr_doc/General_Aoun_transcript.doc
www.vrai14mars.com
In conclusion, I will say that the supporters of Hizballah are definitely not blind, uncritical followers.
The Washington Post begs to differ:
"What does it mean to be a Shiite?" she asked.
"To be a Shiite means that you do not question the meaning of victory -"
Sounds blind and uncritical to me.
3li, this is what the Lebanese have to decide, is that not so? The guys with guns and the families that support them fit the characterization, right? They're the ones who can start a war, correct? And the other side, what power do they have to stop them?
if for nothing but a sense of gratitude, the beneficiaries of Hizballah and Iranian generosity should stand by their party.
Contrast that attitude with this one:
His latter comment remined me of a family story my father-n-law used to tell about a constituent whom he had helped in many ways over thirty years. In an important election Sen. Barkley said to this constituent he assumed latter would vote for him. When constituent said he not certain Barkley recounted at length all he had done for him and his family over 30 years to which constituent replied, "Yes, but what have you done for me lately?"
There is a lot to be said for this latter approach. Blind personal and tribal loyalties work against democracy. Do Lebanese believe that their loyalty is for sale? I'm sure Nasrallah does. Look at how Hezbollah's emphasis after the summer conflict was about paying off the affected, rather than medical treatment and the safety of civilians. Nasty expects that if he caters to the material needs of the Shia (preferably by being the sole supplier) he's bought their loyalty for his "bigger than Lebanon" ventures.
Is there anything in Nasrallah's demeanor that suggests that he believes ordinary Lebanese are anything other than contemptible people?
Read what Hassan Nasrallah (some people are calling him now Nasr Al Furs) back in 1989:
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